Author | Hannah Arendt |
---|---|
Language | English |
Subject | Nazism, Stalinism, totalitarianism |
Publisher | Schocken Books |
Publication date | 1951 |
Media type | Print (hardcover and paperback) |
Pages | 704 |
OCLC | 52814049 |
320.53 22 | |
LC Class | JC480 .A74 2004 |
The Origins of Totalitarianism, published in 1951, was Hannah Arendt's first major work, wherein she describes and analyzes Nazism and Stalinism, the major totalitarian political movements of the first half of the 20th century. The book is regularly listed as one of the best non-fiction books of the 20th century.
- 2Structure and content
- 7Bibliography
“The End of Economic Man” Review by Winston Churchill Mr. Drucker is one of those writers to whom almost anything can be forgiven because he not only has a mind of his own, but has the gift of starting other minds along a stimulating line of thought. Jewish history offers the extraordinary spectacle of a people, unique in this respect, which began its history with a well-defined concept of history and an almost conscious resolution to achieve a well-circumscribed plan on earth and then, without giving up this concept, avoided all political action for two thousand years.
History[edit]
The Origins of Totalitarianism[1] was first published in English in 1951.[note 1] A German translation was published in 1955 as Elemente und Ursprünge totaler Herrschaft ('Elements and Origins of Totalitarian Rule'). A second, enlarged edition was published in 1958, and contained two additional chapters, replacing her original 'Concluding Remarks'.[2] Chapter Thirteen was titled 'Ideology and Terror: A novel form of government', which she had published separately in 1953.[3] Chapter Fourteen dealt with the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, entitled 'Epilogue: Reflections on the Hungarian Revolution'. Subsequent editions omitted this chapter, which was published separately in English ('Totalitarian Imperialism: Reflections on the Hungarian Revolution')[4] and German (Die ungarische Revolution und der totalitäre Imperialismus)[5] in 1958.[6]
Structure and content[edit]
The Origins of Totalitarianism, like many of Arendt's books is structured as three essays, 'Antisemitism', 'Imperialism' and 'Totalitarianism'. The book describes the various preconditions and subsequent rise of anti-Semitism in central, eastern, and western Europe in the early-to-mid 19th century; then examines the New Imperialism, from 1884 to the start of the First World War (1914–18); then traces the emergence of racism as an ideology, and its modern application as an “ideological weapon for imperialism”, by the Boers during the Great Trek (1830s–40s) in the early 19th century. In this book, Arendt argues that totalitarianism was a 'novel form of government,' that 'differs essentially from other forms of political oppression known to us such as despotism, tyranny and dictatorship'[7] in that it applied terror to subjugate mass populations rather than just political adversaries.[3][8] She further contends that Jewry was not the operative factor in the Holocaust, but merely a convenient proxy. That totalitarianism in Germany was, in the end, about terror and consistency, not eradicating Jews only.[9][8] A key concept arising from this book, was the application of Kant's phrase 'Radical Evil',[10] which she applied to the men who created and carried out such tyranny and their depiction of their victims as 'Superfluous People'.[11][12]
Analysis of antisemitism and imperialism[edit]
Arendt begins the book with an analysis of the rise of antisemitism in Europe, particularly focusing on the Dreyfus affair.[9] She then discusses scientific racism, and its role in colonialistimperialism, itself characterized by unlimited territorial and economic expansion.[9] That unlimited expansion necessarily opposed itself and was hostile to the territorially delimited nation-state. Arendt traces the roots of modern imperialism to the accumulation of excess capital in European nation-states during the 19th century. This capital required overseas investments outside of Europe to be productive and political control had to be expanded overseas to protect the investments. She then examines 'continental imperialism' (pan-Germanism and pan-Slavism) and the emergence of 'movements' substituting themselves to the political parties. These movements are hostile to the state and antiparliamentarist and gradually institutionalize anti-Semitism and other kinds of racism. Arendt concludes that while Italian Fascism was a nationalistauthoritarian movement, Nazism and Stalinism were totalitarian movements that sought to eliminate all restraints upon the power of the movement.
Mechanics of totalitarian movements[edit]
The book's final section is devoted to describing the mechanics of totalitarian movements, focusing on Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union. Here, Arendt discusses the transformation of classes into masses, the role of propaganda in dealing with the non-totalitarian world, and the use of terror, essential to this form of government. Totalitarian movements are fundamentally different from autocratic regimes, says Arendt, insofar as autocratic regimes seek only to gain absolute political power and to outlaw opposition, while totalitarian regimes seek to dominate every aspect of everyone's life as a prelude to world domination. She states:
... Intellectual, spiritual, and artistic initiative is as dangerous to totalitarianism as the gangster initiative of the mob, and both are more dangerous than mere political opposition. The consistent persecution of every higher form of intellectual activity by the new mass leaders springs from more than their natural resentment against everything they cannot understand. Total domination does not allow for free initiative in any field of life, for any activity that is not entirely predictable. Totalitarianism in power invariably replaces all first-rate talents, regardless of their sympathies, with those crackpots and fools whose lack of intelligence and creativity is still the best guarantee of their loyalty. [13]
Arendt discusses the use of front organizations, fake governmental agencies, and esoteric doctrines as a means of concealing the radical nature of totalitarian aims from the non-totalitarian world. A final section added to the second edition of the book in 1958 suggests that individual isolation and loneliness are preconditions for totalitarian domination.Such scholars as Jürgen Habermas supported Arendt in her 20th century criticism of totalitarian readings of Marxism. This commentary on Marxism has indicated concerns with the limits of totalitarian perspectives often associated with Marx's apparent over-estimation of the emancipatory potential of the forces of production. Habermas extends this critique in his writings on functional reductionism in the life-world in his Lifeworld and System: A Critique of Functionalist Reason. As Habermas states:
... traditional Marxist analysis ... today, when we use the means of the critique of political economy ... can no longer make clear predictions: for that, one would still have to assume the autonomy of a self-reproducing economic system. I do not believe in such an autonomy. Precisely for this reason, the laws governing the economic system are no longer identical to the ones Marx analyzed. Of course, this does not mean that it would be wrong to analyze the mechanism which drives the economic system; but in order for the orthodox version of such an analysis to be valid, the influence of the political system would have to be ignored.[14]
Reception[edit]
Le Monde placed the book among the 100 best books of any kind of the 20th century, while the National Review ranked it #15 on its list of the 100 best non-fiction books of the century.[15] The Intercollegiate Studies Institute listed it among the 50 best non-fiction books of the century.[16] The book made a major impact on Norman Podhoretz, who compared the pleasure of reading it to that of reading a great poem or novel.[17]
The book has also attracted criticism, among them a piece in the Times Literary Supplement in 2009 by University of Chicago professor Bernard Wasserstein.[18] Wasserstein cited Arendt's systematic internalization of the various anti-Semitic and Nazi sources and books she was familiar with, which led to the use of many of these sources as authorities in the book,[19] although this has not been substantiated by other Arendt scholars.
See also[edit]
- John A. Hobson's Imperialism (1902)
- Theodor Adorno's The Authoritarian Personality (1950)
Note[edit]
- ^Originally published in the United Kingdom as The Burden of Our Time.
References[edit]
- ^Arendt 1976.
- ^Arendt 1976, p. xxiv.
- ^ abArendt 1953.
- ^Arendt 1958.
- ^Arendt 1958a.
- ^Szécsényi 2005.
- ^Arendt 1976, p. 460.
- ^ abFCG 2018, Introduction.
- ^ abcRiesman 1951.
- ^Copjec 1996.
- ^Hattem & Hattem 2005.
- ^Heller 2015, p. 7.
- ^Arendt 1976, Chapter Ten: A Classless Society, p.416.
- ^Habermas, Jurgen (1981), Kleine Politische Schrifen I-IV, pp. 500f.
- ^The 100 Best Non-fiction Books of the Century, National Review
- ^Intercollegiate Studies Institute's '50 Best Books of the 20th Century' (Non-fiction)Archived 2006-06-20 at the Wayback Machine
- ^Podhoretz, Norman (1999). Ex-Friends: Falling out with Allen Ginsberg, Lionel and Diana Trilling, Lillian Helman, Hannah Arendt, and Norman Mailer. New York: The Free Press. p. 143. ISBN0-684-85594-1.
- ^Horowitz, Irving Louis (January 2010). 'Assaulting Arendt'. First Things. Retrieved 11 March 2014.
- ^Wasserstein, Bernard (October 2009). 'Blame the Victim—Hannah Arendt Among the Nazis: the Historian and Her Sources'. Times Literary Supplement.
Bibliography[edit]
- Copjec, Joan, ed. (1996). Radical Evil. Verso. ISBN978-1-85984-911-8.
- Hattem, Cornelis Van; Hattem, Kees van (2005). Superfluous people: a reflection on Hannah Arendt and evil. University Press of America. ISBN978-0-7618-3304-8.
- Heller, Anne Conover (2015). Hannah Arendt: A Life in Dark Times. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. ISBN978-0-544-45619-8.excerpt
- Hollinger, David A.; Capper, Charles, eds. (1993). The American Intellectual Tradition: Volune II 1865 to the present (2nd ed.). Oxford University Press. ISBN978-0-19-507780-3.
- Szécsényi, Endre (30 March 2005). The Hungarian Revolution in the 'Reflections' by Hannah Arendt. Europe or the Globe? Eastern European Trajectories in Times of Integration and Globalization. Vienna: IWM. Retrieved 3 August 2018.* 'Hannah Arendt'. Contemporary Thinkers. The Foundation for Constitutional Government. 2018. Retrieved 28 July 2018.
- Williams, Zoe (1 February 2017). 'Totalitarianism in the age of Trump: lessons from Hannah Arendt'. The Guardian.
Works by Arendt[edit]
- Arendt, Hannah (1976) [1951, New York: Schocken]. The Origins of Totalitarianism [Elemente und Ursprünge totaler Herrschaft] (revised ed.). Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. ISBN978-0-547-54315-4., (see also The Origins of Totalitarianism and Comparison of Nazism and Stalinism) Full text (1979 edition) on Internet Archive
- Riesman, David (1 April 1951). 'The Origins of Totalitarianism, by Hannah Arendt'. Commentary (Review). Retrieved 23 August 2018.
- Nisbet, Robert (1992). 'Arendt on Totalitarianism'. The National Interest (Review) (27): 85–91. JSTOR42896812.
- — (1953). 'Ideology and Terror: A Novel Form of Government'. The Review of Politics. 15 (3): 303–327. JSTOR1405171. (reprinted in Hollinger & Capper (1993, pp. 338–348) here
- — (1958). 'Totalitarian Imperialism: Reflections on the Hungarian Revolution'. The Journal of Politics. 20 (1): 5–43. doi:10.2307/2127387. JSTOR2127387.
- — (1958). Die ungarische Revolution und der totalitäre Imperialismus (in German). München: R. Piper & Co Verlag.
External links[edit]
Retrieved from 'https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=The_Origins_of_Totalitarianism&oldid=932784375'
Author | Francis Fukuyama |
---|---|
Language | English |
Publisher | Free Press |
1992 | |
Media type | |
Pages | 418 |
ISBN | 978-0-02-910975-5 |
The End of History and the Last Man (1992), by Francis Fukuyama, is a political book of philosophy which proposes that with the ascendancy of Western liberal democracy – occurred after the Cold War (1945–1991) and the dissolution of the Soviet Union (1991) – humanity had reached 'not just ... the passing of a particular period of post-war history, but the end of history as such: That is, the end-point of mankind's ideological evolution and the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government'.[1] As an expansion of his essay 'The End of History?' (1989), for the book The End of History and the Last Man Fukuyama drew upon the philosophies and ideologies of Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel and Karl Marx, who defined human history as a linear progression, from one socio-economic epoch to another.[1][2]
- 1Highlights
- 3Criticisms
Highlights[edit]
- History should be viewed as an evolutionary process.
- Events still occur at the end of history.
- Pessimism about humanity's future is warranted because of humanity's inability to control technology.
- The end of history means liberal democracy is the final form of government for all nations. There can be no progression from liberal democracy to an alternative system.
Misinterpretations[edit]
According to Fukuyama, since the French Revolution, democracy has repeatedly proven to be a fundamentally better system (ethically, politically, economically) than any of the alternatives.[1]
The most basic (and prevalent) error in discussing Fukuyama's work is to confuse 'history' with 'events'.[3] Fukuyama claims not that events will stop occurring in the future, but rather that all that will happen in the future (even if totalitarianism returns) is that democracy will become more and more prevalent in the long term, although it may suffer 'temporary' setbacks (which may, of course, last for centuries).
Some argue[who?] that Fukuyama presents 'American-style' democracy as the only 'correct' political system and argues that all countries must inevitably follow this particular system of government.[4][5] However, many Fukuyama scholars claim this is a misreading of his work.[citation needed] Fukuyama's argument is only that in the future there will be more and more governments that use the framework of parliamentary democracy and that contain markets of some sort. Indeed, Fukuyama has stated:
The End of History was never linked to a specifically American model of social or political organization. Following Alexandre Kojève, the Russian-French philosopher who inspired my original argument, I believe that the European Union more accurately reflects what the world will look like at the end of history than the contemporary United States. The EU's attempt to transcend sovereignty and traditional power politics by establishing a transnational rule of law is much more in line with a 'post-historical' world than the Americans' continuing belief in God, national sovereignty, and their military.[6]
Arguments in favour[edit]
An argument in favour of Fukuyama's thesis is the democratic peace theory, which argues that mature democracies rarely or never go to war with one another. This theory has faced criticism, with arguments largely resting on conflicting definitions of 'war' and 'mature democracy'. Part of the difficulty in assessing the theory is that democracy as a widespread global phenomenon emerged only very recently in human history, which makes generalizing about it difficult. (See also list of wars between democracies.)
Other major empirical evidence includes the elimination of interstate warfare in South America, Southeast Asia, and Eastern Europe among countries that moved from military dictatorships to liberal democracies.
According to several studies, the end of the Cold War and the subsequent increase in the number of liberal democratic states were accompanied by a sudden and dramatic decline in total warfare, interstate wars, ethnic wars, revolutionary wars, and the number of refugees and displaced persons.[7][8]
Criticisms[edit]
Critics of liberal democracy[edit]
In Specters of Marx: The State of the Debt, the Work of Mourning and the New International (1993), Jacques Derrida criticized Francis Fukuyama as a 'come-lately reader' of the philosopher-statesman Alexandre Kojève (1902–1968), who 'in the tradition of Leo Strauss' (1899–1973), in the 1950s, already had described the society of the U.S. as the 'realization of communism'; and said that the public-intellectual celebrity of Fukuyama and the mainstream popularity of his book, The End of History and the Last Man, were symptoms of right-wing, cultural anxiety about ensuring the 'Death of Marx.' In criticising Fukuyama's celebration of the economic and cultural hegemony of Western liberalism, Derrida said:
For it must be cried out, at a time when some have the audacity to neo-evangelize in the name of the ideal of a liberal democracy that has finally realized itself as the ideal of human history: never have violence, inequality, exclusion, famine, and thus economic oppression affected as many human beings in the history of the earth and of humanity. Instead of singing the advent of the ideal of liberal democracy and of the capitalist market in the euphoria of the end of history, instead of celebrating the ‘end of ideologies’ and the end of the great emancipatory discourses, let us never neglect this obvious, macroscopic fact, made up of innumerable, singular sites of suffering: no degree of progress allows one to ignore that never before, in absolute figures, have so many men, women and children been subjugated, starved or exterminated on the earth.[9]
Therefore, Derrida said: 'This end of History is essentially a Christian eschatology. It is consonant with the current discourse of the Pope on the European Community: Destined to become [either] a Christian State or [a] Super-State; [but] this community would still belong, therefore, to some Holy Alliance.' That Fukuyama practised an intellectual 'sleight-of-hand trick', by using empirical data whenever suitable to his message, and by appealing to an abstract ideal whenever the empirical data contradicted his end-of-history thesis. That Fukuyama sees the United States and the European Union as imperfect political entities, when compared to the distinct ideals of Liberal democracy and of the free market, but understands that such abstractions (ideals) are not demonstrated with empirical evidence, nor ever could be empirically demonstrated, because they are philosophical and religious abstractions that originated from the Gospels of Philosophy of Hegel; and yet, Fukuyama still uses empirical observations to prove his thesis, which he, himself, agrees are imperfect and incomplete, to validate his end-of-history thesis, which remains an abstraction.[9]
In that idealist vein, varieties of Marxism might be interpreted as end-of-history philosophies; the philosopher Perry Anderson indicated that contemporary capitalist democracies are riven with institutional poverty, racism, and sexism, which indicate that human history has not ended. Marxists also rejected Fukuyama's ideological reliance upon Hegel, because the logic of Hegelian philosophy was flawed as praxis, until Karl Marx 'turned it on its head' and created historical materialism. Nonetheless, despite the poverty, racism, and sexism inherent to contemporary capitalist societies, Fukuyama said that there are no intellectual developments for a revolutionary politics and economics that could depose capitalism as the only form of economic organisation for a society.
Radical Islam, tribalism, and the 'Clash of Civilizations'[edit]
Various Western commentators have described the thesis of The End of History as flawed because it does not sufficiently take into account the power of ethnic loyalties and religious fundamentalism as a counter-force to the spread of liberal democracy, with the specific example of Islamic fundamentalism, or radical Islam, as the most powerful of these.
Benjamin Barber wrote a 1992 article and a 1995 book, Jihad vs. McWorld, that addressed this theme. Barber described 'McWorld' as a secular, liberal, corporate-friendly transformation of the world and used the word 'jihad' to refer to the competing forces of tribalism and religious fundamentalism, with a special emphasis on Islamic fundamentalism.
Samuel P. Huntington wrote a 1993 essay, 'The Clash of Civilizations', in direct response to The End of History; he then expanded the essay into a 1996 book, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order. In the essay and book, Huntington argued that the temporary conflict between ideologies is being replaced by the ancient conflict between civilizations. The dominant civilization decides the form of human government, and these will not be constant. He especially singled out Islam, which he described as having 'bloody borders'.
After the September 11, 2001, attacks, The End of History was cited by some commentators as a symbol of the supposed naiveté and undue optimism of the Western world during the 1990s, in thinking that the end of the Cold War also represented the end of major global conflict. In the weeks after the attacks, Fareed Zakaria called the events 'the end of the end of history', while George Will wrote that history had 'returned from vacation'.[10]
Fukuyama did discuss radical Islam briefly in The End of History. He argued that Islam is not an imperialist force like Stalinism and fascism; that is, it has little intellectual or emotional appeal outside the Islamic 'heartlands'. Fukuyama pointed to the economic and political difficulties that Iran and Saudi Arabia face and argued that such states are fundamentally unstable: either they will become democracies with a Muslim society (like Turkey) or they will simply disintegrate. Moreover, when Islamic states have actually been created, they were easily dominated by the powerful Western states.
In October 2001, Fukuyama, in a Wall Street Journal opinion piece, responded to the declarations that the September 11 attacks had disproved his views by stating that 'time and resources are on the side of modernity, and I see no lack of a will to prevail in the United States today.' He also noted that his original thesis 'does not imply a world free from conflict, nor the disappearance of culture as a distinguishing characteristic of societies.'[10]
The resurgence of Russia and China[edit]
Another challenge to the 'end of history' thesis is the growth in the economic and political power of two countries, Russia and China. China has a one-party state government, while Russia, though formally a democracy, is often described as an autocracy; it is categorized as an anocracy in the Polity data series.[11]
Azar Gat, Professor of National Security at Tel Aviv University, argued this point in his 2007 Foreign Affairs article, 'The Return of Authoritarian Great Powers', stating that the success of these two countries could 'end the end of history'.[12] Gat also discussed radical Islam, but stated that the movements associated with it 'represent no viable alternative to modernity and pose no significant military threat to the developed world'. He considered the challenge of China and Russia to be the major threat, since they could pose a viable rival model which could inspire other states.
This view was echoed by Robert Kagan in his 2008 book, The Return of History and the End of Dreams, whose title was a deliberate rejoinder to The End of History.[13]
In his 2008 Washington Post opinion piece, Fukuyama also addressed this point. He wrote, 'Despite recent authoritarian advances, liberal democracy remains the strongest, most broadly appealing idea out there. Most autocrats, including Putin and Chávez, still feel that they have to conform to the outward rituals of democracy even as they gut its substance. Even China's Hu Jintao felt compelled to talk about democracy in the run-up to Beijing's Olympic Games.'[14]
Failure of civil society and political decay[edit]
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In 2014, on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the publication of the original essay, 'The End of History?', Fukuyama wrote a column in The Wall Street Journal again updating his hypothesis. He wrote that, while liberal democracy still had no real competition from more authoritarian systems of government 'in the realm of ideas', nevertheless he was less idealistic than he had been 'during the heady days of 1989.' Fukuyama noted the Orange Revolution in Ukraine and the Arab Spring, both of which seemed to have failed in their pro-democracy goals, as well as the 'backsliding' of democracy in countries including Thailand, Turkey and Nicaragua. He stated that the biggest problem for the democratically elected governments in some countries was not ideological but 'their failure to provide the substance of what people want from government: personal security, shared economic growth and the basic public services... that are needed to achieve individual opportunity.' Though he believed that economic growth, improved government and civic institutions all reinforced one another, he wrote that it was not inevitable that 'all countries will... get on that escalator.'[15]
Twenty-five years later, the most serious threat to the end-of-history hypothesis isn't that there is a higher, better model out there that will someday supersede liberal democracy; neither Islamist theocracy nor Chinese capitalism cuts it. Once societies get on the up escalator of industrialization, their social structure begins to change in ways that increase demands for political participation. If political elites accommodate these demands, we arrive at some version of democracy.
Fukuyama also warned of 'political decay,' which he wrote could also affect established democracies like the United States, in which corruption and crony capitalism erode liberty and economic opportunity. Nevertheless, he expressed his continued belief that 'the power of the democratic ideal remains immense.'[15]
Following Britain's decision to leave the European Union and the election of Donald Trump as President of the United States in 2016, Fukuyama feared for the future of liberal democracy in the face of resurgent populism,[16][17][18] and the rise of a 'post-fact world',[19] saying that 'twenty five years ago, I didn't have a sense or a theory about how democracies can go backward. And I think they clearly can.' He also warned that America's political rot was infecting the world order to the point where it 'could be as big as the Soviet collapse'.[18]
Posthuman future[edit]
Fukuyama has also stated that his thesis was incomplete, but for a different reason: 'there can be no end of history without an end of modern natural science and technology' (quoted from Our Posthuman Future). Fukuyama predicts that humanity's control of its own evolution will have a great and possibly terrible effect on liberal democracy.
Publication history[edit]
- Free Press, 1992, hardcover (ISBN0-02-910975-2)
- Perennial, 1993, paperback (ISBN0-380-72002-7)
See also[edit]
Notes[edit]
- ^ abcFukuyama, Francis (1989). 'The End of History?'. The National Interest (16): 3–18. ISSN0884-9382. JSTOR24027184.
- ^Glaser, Eliane (21 March 2014). 'Bring Back Ideology: Fukuyama's 'End of History' 25 years On'. The Guardian. Retrieved 18 March 2019.
- ^'Why history didn't end'. Theos Think Tank. Retrieved 2019-12-28.
- ^'After the Neo-Cons: America at the Crossroads, by Francis Fukuyama'. The Independent. 2006-03-24. Retrieved 2019-12-28.
- ^Keane, John (2015-02-07). 'Francis Fukuyama sticks to his guns on liberal democracy'. The Sydney Morning Herald. Retrieved 2019-12-28.
- ^Francis Fukuyama. (2007-04-03). The history at the end of history.The Guardian. Retrieved 2008-06-18
- ^'Global Conflict Trends'. Center for Systemic Peace. 2017. Retrieved 2017-10-05.
- ^'Human Security Report 2005'. Human Security Report Project. Retrieved 2017-10-05.
- ^ abDerrida, 1994.
- ^ abHistory Is Still Going Our Way, Francis Fukuyama, The Wall Street Journal, October 5, 2001
- ^'Polity IV Country Report 2010: Russia'(PDF). The Center for Systemic Peace. 2010.
- ^A. GAT, 'The End of the End of History' in Foreign Affairs, July/August 2007.
- ^Return of the Dog Pack (review of The Return of History and the End of Dreams), Michael Burleigh, Literary Review, May 2008
- ^They Can Only Go So Far, Francis Fukuyama, The Washington Post, August 24, 2008
- ^ abFukuyama, Francis (June 6, 2014). 'At the 'End of History' Still Stands Democracy'. The Wall Street Journal.
- ^Ishaan Tharoor (2017-02-09). 'The man who declared the 'end of history' fears for democracy's future'. Washington Post.
- ^Francis Fukuyama (2017-02-09). 'The man who declared the 'end of history' now fearful of the very fate of liberal democracy'. National Post.
- ^ abFrancis Fukuyama (Jan 2017). 'America: the failed state'. Prospect Magazine.Cite journal requires
|journal=
(help) - ^Francis Fukuyama (2017-01-12). 'The Emergence of a Post-Fact World'. Project Syndicate.
References[edit]
- Jacques Derrida (1994). Specters of Marx: State of the Debt, the Work of Mourning and the New International. Routledge. ISBN978-0-415-91045-3.
- Francis Fukuyama (1992). The End of History and the Last Man. Free Press. ISBN978-0-02-910975-5.
- Morton Halperin, Joanne J. Myers, Joseph T. Siegle, Michael M. Weinstein. (2005-03-17). The Democracy Advantage: How Democracies Promote Prosperity and Peace. Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs. Retrieved 2008-06-18.
- Potter, Robert (2011), 'Recalcitrant Interdependence', Thesis, Flinders University
- Mahbubani, Kishore (2008). The New Asian Hemisphere: The Irresisble Shift of Global Power to the East. New York: PublicAffairs
- W. C. Sellar and R. J. Yeatman (1930). 1066 and All That. Methuen. ISBN978-0-413-77270-1.
External links[edit]
Retrieved from 'https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=The_End_of_History_and_the_Last_Man&oldid=936491242'